'That's just the way he is': Some implications of Aboriginal mental health beliefs

David Vicary
School of Psychology, Curtin University of Technology, Perth WA

Tracy Westerman
Indigenous Psychological Services, Pty Ltd; Curtin University of Technology, Perth WA

PP: 103 - 112

Abstract

Recent qualitative research conducted in metropolitan Perth and the Kimberley region of Western Australia has highlighted major gaps in service delivery to Aboriginal clientele suffering depression and suicidal ideation (Vicary, 2002). Seventy Aboriginal people were interviewed about their beliefs and attitudes towards mental health, western psychology and western practitioners, and strategies for improving mental health care delivery.

The study highlights that participants consistently perceived the course and treatment of depression as following a different aetiology to that of mainstream Australia. The authors' references to depression do not conform with Eurocentric perceptions, but rather to the Aboriginal Australians' conceptualisation, as explained within the paper.

Almost three in four respondents indicated that they believed that Aboriginal people did not perceive depression as a state that could be addressed via treatment. Instead they perceived it as a characteristic of the individual concerned stating 'that's just the way he is'. Subsequently they reported that individuals might not get the assistance they require in overcoming their illness.

Keywords

Aboriginal mental health, cultural variants, cultural consultants, depression, culture-bound syndromes, service delivery

Article Text

While there has been an increasing recognition of Aboriginal disadvantage during the last 20 years, and successive government attempts to address these inequities, Aboriginal people are still disadvantaged compared to their non-Aboriginal counterparts. The quality of life, life expectancy and equality of opportunity remain significantly lower for Aboriginal people. A report by the Task Force on Aboriginal Social Justice (1994) highlights the fact that on all major measures of socio-economic wellbeing, Aboriginal people continue to suffer enormous disadvantage. Swan and Raphael (1995) noted that Aboriginal people continue to experience greater poverty than non-Aboriginal Australians, have higher rates of unemployment, more inadequate housing, poorer participation and completion in education, poorer access to clean water, waste disposal, and utilities than the white population. Aboriginal people remain over-represented in prisons by a factor of 14 and in police custody by a factor of 26 (Kosky & Goldney, 1994).

Another example of the inequality between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people can be identified through the practice of removal. For example, in Western Australia, in the 1960s the 'Welfare' or the Police was still systematically removing Aboriginal children from their families. McCotter (1981) in a report prepared by the then Western Australian Department of Community Welfare stated that 57% of all children in care were Aboriginal. Over two thirds of these children were placed with non-Aboriginal families. Dodson (1991) found that 44% of children in substitute care in Western Australia were of Aboriginal descent despite Aboriginal people making up just 2.5% of the population. Dodson concluded that Aboriginal children and their families are still experiencing institutionalisation and that to date no generation of Aboriginal children has been free from the threat of removal by the State. Removal, and the threat of removal, has had a significant impact on the way in which Aboriginal people relate to government agencies and departments, the level of trust developed and the outcomes achieved.

Aboriginal children are often current victims of past policy and practices. Many young Aboriginal people have indicated that some of the factors described previously are now affecting their generation. This generation ultimately will become the Aboriginal leaders of the future and many of these people will have had personal experience of the legacy of recent Aboriginal history. For example, Webber (1980) noted that about 20% of Aboriginal children and youth had diagnosable mental health issues. Further, Kamien (1978) suggested that substantial behaviour problems were apparent in 25‑30% of Aboriginal 5‑14 years old. Anxiety, learning delay and attention deficit problems are also likely to be found in this cohort, however, this is yet to be systematically examined, with most reports being anecdotal in nature. (The prevalence of mental health disorder in the non-Aboriginal population is 16% for 4‑11 year olds and 21% for 12‑16 year olds: Commonwealth Department of Health and Ageing, 1999). Although the problems previously discussed are by no means an exhaustive review, they are indicative of the problems some Aboriginal children encounter and how these issues subsequently impact on their potential for learning and forming close relationships.

Additionally, child abuse and neglect also affect Aboriginal children and young people (Ford, 2000). The Secretariat of National Aboriginal and Islander Child Care (SNAICC) has developed a prevention plan to combat the issues. Notably this action plan emphasises the importance of both current and historical issues and strongly argues the case for prevention as opposed to reaction. This plan implements strategies that are grounded in the issues associated with colonisation, Aboriginal child rearing practices, the Stolen Generation, racism, self determination and the contributions of the kinship and Elder roles. Importantly, the programme recognises the requirement of a holistic approach, a synthesis of both indigenous and western methodologies, to deal with the prevention and treatment of child abuse and neglect amongst Aboriginal children and youth.

... continues ...

View references

Navigate: Archives | Contents | Top of page

Search

Translate

Related Publications from eContent Management